“全球化下的劳资关系和劳工标准”国际研讨会部分参会文章

中国急需改变强政府、强资本、弱劳工的状况

北京大军经济观察研究中心主任  仲大军

2006年4月2日

当前中国最大的问题是:在经济制度上实现和实行了市场化和全球化,但在劳工制度和政治制度上还没有实行民主化和全球化。由于这两种制度的差异,导致中国劳动群体在经济发展中得不到应有的经济和政治利益,因此,加强中国劳工权益的维护、加强劳动工会的建设和作用、特别是进行政治制度方面的改革、实现资本与劳工力量的平衡,已经成了当前中国社会与经济发展的大问题。

雇主与劳工是市场经济国家的两大社会利益群体,民主法治的国家必须建立起充分考虑双方利益的权利平衡制度,而工会组织和工会力量的存在是实现劳工利益的必要前提,工会组织和工会力量是现代民主政治国家不可或缺的社会存在。

但是,今天的中国,宪法赋予人民结社和组织工会的权利形同虚设,劳工群体的组织基本不发挥作用,政府过于倾向于雇主和企业的利益,这种事实和现象的实质是政府过于倾向于政府自己的利益。

在经济全球化的时代,如果一个国家的劳工力量过弱,那么这个国家的劳动利润不仅会流向本国资本,更会流向跨国资本。目前的情况是,由于中国劳工力量过弱,中国劳动已经成了国际资本廉价利用的对象。

这种发展的后果,必然是社会出现较大的贫富分化和阶层矛盾,这种现象在目前的中国已经越来越明显,社会心态和社会情绪日益不稳定,社会矛盾日趋激化。因此,加快建立适应市场经济的民主法治制度、完善工会组织的作用已经迫在眉睫。

 

 

China is in bad need of changing the situation of strong government but feeble labor strength

Zhong Dajun,

Director of Dajun Center for Economic Watch & Studies

March 14, 2006

Currently, the biggest problem with China is that marketization and globalization in the economic system have been adopted, but democratization and globalization in labor and political systems have not been implemented. The discrepancy between the two systems deprives the Chinese working class of economic and political interests they are entitled to during economic development. Therefore, it has become a big issue in current social and economic growth to strengthen the protection of workers’ interests, to intensify the construction and functioning of trade union, and especially to carry out reform in political system so as to achieve a balance between the power of capital and labor.

 

Employers and workers are two major social groups in market economies. Democratic and law-based states must establish a system of equilibrium of rights, taking into consideration the interests of the two parties. Trade union organizations and its strength are not only prerequisites for achieving labor interests, but also an indispensable social presence in modern democracies.

 

 However, nowadays in China, the rights for association and organizing trade unions that the Constitution endows to the general public exist in name only. The organizations of workers perform little function. The Government is concerned more about the interests of employers and enterprises. In essence, the government is oriented towards its own self-interests.

 

In the era of economic globalization, if labor in a country is too feeble, then the profits generated in the country will inevitably flow not only to domestic capital, but to transnational capital as well. And for the moment, Chinese labor has fallen victim to exploitation by international capital, due to its weakness.

The consequence is bound to be broadened polarization between rich and poor and intensified conflicts among social strata. The increasing inclination to this phenomenon in today’s China results in increasingly unsteady social consciousness and social emotion and in growing social conflicts. Therefore, there is an urgency to speed up the launch of democratic and legal systems adapted to the market economy and to improve the operations of trade union organization.

从收入分配看中国劳动者权益状况

首都经济贸易大学副教授 王晶

中国改革开放以来,在经济市场化程度不断完善的同时,劳动关系市场化国际化范式也已基本形成,在这一过程里中国劳动者权益状况如何,在巨型增长的GDP面前,劳动者是否分享了应得的成果,并最终得以实现共同富裕的前景?改革走到了今天,我们有必要算一下帐,清一下盘,从收入分配的角度分析劳动权益状况与趋势。

一、  不合理的收入分配制度是形成劳动者权益侵害的根本原因

劳动者权益固然可以透过政治民主、文化尊严等体现,但是在市场经济条件下,劳动者权益得到根本保证的前提是在健全的法律框架下体现劳动者价值,保护劳动者生存权和发展权的国家收入分配制度。然而在现实中,劳动者的上述权益难以得到保障,究其原因有三:第一,初次分配中劳动力价值被低估,劳动者的价值权不能得到保障;第二,不健全的社会保障方案,难以承担劳动者最后安全网的职责,劳动者的生存权受到一定威胁;第三,公共财政分配未能起到调节作用,劳动者的发展权缺乏制度保障。

二、劳动者权益现状的社会经济影响

在社会阶层日益分化,社会矛盾日益复杂的今天,作为塔基的劳动者权益状况无疑会成为影响社会发展的重要因素。无论是要构建和谐社会,还是要实现经济的可持续增长,抑或是减少国际贸易摩擦中的尴尬局面,劳动者权益的全方位保障都是至关重要的。

   三、建立公共财政制度下的收入分配机制,并以保障劳动者权益为主线,这不仅是政府的职责所在,也是建立和谐社会,实现经济社会可持续发展的重要基础。

完善的市场经济不仅需要充分的竞争机制,同样也需要给予竞争中的要素安全保障机制。对保障劳动者权益来说,我们有必要尽快建立如下机制:1、建立以公平为导向的收入分配调节机制;2、以完善的社会保障制度作为劳动者权益的启动机制;3、以工会和其他社会组织为核心完善劳动关系协调机制;4、将完善立法、强化执法作为劳动者权益的最终保障机制。

Realities of Chinese Workers’ Rights and Interests

 from the Perspective of Income Distribution

Wang Jing

Capital University of Economics and Trade

Following the Chinese market reform and open policy, marketization has been enhanced and labor relations are also restructuring under market principles. Therefore, it deserves a careful study on the realities of the rights and interests of Chinese workers, when GDP is enjoying the rapid growth. This article provides an analysis from the aspect of income distribution.

First, inappropriate institution of income distribution is the fundamental reason of the rights violation for workers.

Although labor rights and interests can be achieved by political democracy and cultural respect, market economy requires a sound legal framework to ensure the labor value and protect the labor rights. However, three reasons lead to the insufficiency of this protection: 1. the labor value is underestimated in the first distribution; 2. handicapped social security programs cannot afford the responsibility as the last safety resort for workers whose living rights are then endangered; 3. public financial distribution fails to achieve its adjustments goal, so the development rights of workers are short of institutional assurance.

Second, the social economic influence of the reality of labor rights and interests.

When the society is further stratifying, labor rights and interests then serve as the foundation of the social stability and the harmonious development of the country, which will also ease the trade dispute and guarantee a sustainable growth.

Third, it is the responsibility of the government, as well as the requirements of harmonious society-building and sustainable economic development, to establish an income distribution mechanism under public financial institution to protect the labor rights and interests.

The improvement of the market economy does not only require an equal competition environment but also needs a factor security protection system. We should establish the following systems to protect the rights and interests of workers: 1. an equity-oriented income distribution adjustment system; 2. a starting mechanism of labor rights and interests under good social security system; 3. a good labor relations adjustment system with the trade union and other social organizations as the core; 4. an improved legislative and legal practicing system to ensure the achievement of labor rights and interests.

三资企业、工作时间与劳工标准

中国人民大学劳动人事学院院长  曾湘泉

2006-3-31

三资企业情况简介

      改革开放以来,中国大陆的三资企业发展迅速,以港澳台企业和外商投资企业为例,到2003年其工业总产值占国内生产总值的37.8%,其就业人数占全国城镇就业总人数的3.4%

对三资企业劳工标准的普遍看法

       许多工厂都存在着工人超时工作、工资低下、劳动条件恶劣的现象。

       中国青年报20051115号的报道:“玩具血汗工厂的调查”,作者以广东省东莞市的11家港资玩具制造工厂调查表明:“10家工厂的工人每天的实际工作时间都超过11个小时,其中7家工厂的工人甚至每天工作要145个小时。超过半数以上工厂的工人每周工作7天,其余工厂每周工作6天,休息一天,或者每月休息两天。调查的10家工厂的工资低于东莞的最低工资标准,而且不按法律规定支付正常加班工资。

      李强,中国劳工观察执行主席在对一家中山市台资制鞋企业调查报告指出:

    在正常的情况下,工人每周要工作63个小时,实际工作时间会更长,工资只是相当于上年度社会平均工资的2030%,而按照国际惯例,最低工资标准应为上年度社会平均工资的40%-60%

工作时间状况我们的调查

      在中国的三资企业有54.6%的员工每周工作时间在40小时以上,高于国有企业的比例(42.5%),低于私有企业(64.7%)和集体企业的比例(63.4%)。符合国务院规定标准40小时三资企业员工的比例最高,达到35.8%

就每周工作时间而言,三资企业员工是46.1小时,低于集体企业47.3小时和私营企业46.3小时,高于国有企业的周工作时间43.2小时。

加班费情况:

      无论从工作日加班、双休日加班还是法定节假日加班领取加班费的状况来看,三资企业员工的情况要比其他所有制员工的情况要好一些。以工作日的状况为例,三资企业有30.4%的员工没有领取到加班费,而国有制企业为58.8%,私营企业为54.3%,其他企业为48.7%,集体制企业为32.5%。

      从本次调查来看,相对于其他类型企业而言,相当部分的三资企业员工的工作时间与领取加班费的情况还是比较规范。工作时间过长以及不能完全领取加班费的情况普遍存在于中国大陆的企业中。

为什么中国企业的劳动标准不规范?

    中国的工会没有发挥相应的作用。

       1)在市场经济条件下,工会的职能没有发生相应的、足够大的转变。市场经济必然要求工会以维护劳动者利益作为自身的职能,而现在工会继承了原有工会的职能,即主要在党的领导下帮助政府和企业搞好生产并负责工人的福利和教育。

       2)大量的私有企业和三资企业中没有建立工会组织。到2004年,中国的工资劳动者已经超过了3亿人,按照目前的工会统计数字计算,工会的覆盖率还只是1/3强。

       3)存在着工会领导由上级政府任命。

为什么中国企业的劳动标准不规范?

      地方政府对此不重视。在对地方政府的绩效考核上,GDP是一个很重要的指标,为引进外资和发展当地经济,而忽视对劳工权益的维护。

      中国的劳动力市场面临着规制与竞争的双重挑战。大量中小企业技术水平不高,竞争力不强,利润率较低,为了竞争,拼命压低劳工成本,因此通过劳工标准规制的任务非常艰巨。

Foreign-invested Enterprises,

Working time and Labor Standard

Xiangquan Zeng

School of Labor and Human Resources

Renmin University of China

2006-3-31

Brief introduction of foreign-invested enterprises

      Since the reform and opening-up, the foreign-invested enterprises have developed fast in China mainland. For example, in 2003, the gross output value of industry of HongKong, Maocao, Taiwan and foreign invested enterprises accounts for 37.8 percent of GDP, with about 3.4 percent of the employment population of the total urban employment population.

      Employment of Hongkong, Macao, Taiwan and Foreign-invested Enterprises from 2000 to 2003(Chinese Statistics Yearbook in 2004)

The General Perspective of Labor Standard in Foreign-invested Enterprises

      There are overtime, low wage and bad working conditions for workers in many factories. (Changkai, 2005)

      The article entitled “a study on toy sweatshops” in China Youth Daily on Nov 15, 2005 reports a survey on 11 Toy factories of HongKong-invested enterprises in Dong Guan city (GuangDong Province). The survey shows that people work 11 hours in 10 factories,  even 14.5 hours in 7 of these factories . More than half of these factories require people work 7 days a week, the other require 6 days a week with one day rest, or two days rest each month. 10 factories pay the wage below the minimum wage standard of DongGuan, and also refuse to  pay  overtime payment.

The General Perspective of Labor Standard in Foreign-invested Enterprises

      In the survey report on a Taiwan invested shoe factory in ZhongShan city, Li Qiang, the executive chairman of the labor observation, notes that the workers have to work 63 hours a week normally.  Their wage is about 20-30 percent of the average social wage of last year. But according to the international practice, the minimum wage must be 40-60 percent of the average social wage of last year .

Our Survey on Working Hour

      About 54.6 percent of the employees in foreign-invested enterprises work above 40 hours weekly, while the percentage is 42.5% in state-owned enterprises, 64.7% in private enterprises and 63.4% in collective-owned enterprises.

      The highest percentage of employees meeting the 40 working hours standard according to the regulation of the state department, is 35.8% in foreign-invested enterprise.

As to the weekly working hours, employees in foreign-invested enterprises work 46.1 hours, less than those in Collective-owned enterprises (47.3 hours) and private enterprises (46.3 hours), more than those in state-owned enterprises (43.2 hours).

    Overtime payments

      Employees in foreign-invested enterprises are more likely to receive their overtime pay during workdays, weekly rest days and legal holidays than those in any other enterprises.

      Take overtime on workdays for instance, 30.4% of the employees in foreign-invested enterprises do not receive their overtime pay, while the percentage is 58.8% in State-owned enterprises, 54.3% in Private enterprises, 32.5% in Collective-owned enterprises and 48.7% in Others.

Characteristics of Labor Standard

      As showed in this survey, comparing with other types of enterprise, quite a number of employees in foreign-invested enterprises can receive overtime payment and have normal working hours.

      On the whole, the phenomena of long working hours and insufficient overtime payment are very common in Chinese Mainland enterprises.

Why is labor standard of  Chinese enterprises nonstandard ?

      China labor union cannot exert their influence.

      1)During the transition from planned economy to market economy, China labor union’s function has not changed sufficiently and accordingly. Market economy  inevitably requires labor union to protect the labors’ right. However, inheriting the former labor unions’ function, the current labor union mainly assists the government and enterprises in running business well and is responsible for workers’ welfare and education.

      2)A considerable number of private enterprises and foreign-invested enterprises have not established labor union yet. Till 2004, there have been more than 300 million wage-gainers in Chinese mainland , while the labor union members only have reached 100 million according to current labor union statistic data.

      3)Most of labor union leaders are appointed by the government rather than by the labor.

Why is labor standard of Chinese enterprises nonstandard ?

      Labor standard is considered unnecessary by some local governments . GDP is an important indicator that is applied to appraise the local government’s performance. In order to absorb foreign capital and develop economy, some governments neglect protecting the workers’ rights and interests.

      Chinese labor market faces dual challenges of regulation and competition. A lot of medium-and-small size enterprises compress their labor costs extremely, due to the low technology level, weak competition ability and low profit rate. Thus, the tusk of regulation through the labor standard is very hard.

      

中国的团结权立法及其实施研究

中国人民大学教授  常 凯

香港城市大学  郑宇硕

团结权,(Koalitionsrecht)又称劳工组织权或劳工结社权,是市场经济下劳动者最基本的权利。广义的团结权是指劳动者成立工会并通过工会进行集体谈判和集体行动等手段来维护自己利益的权利,一般包括组织工会权、集体谈判权和劳动争议权。[1] 狭义的团结权则专指劳动者为实现维持和改善劳动条件之基本目的,而结成暂时的或永久的团体,并使其运作的权利,即劳动者组织工会并参加其活动的权利。[2]

作为确保劳动者生存权的基本手段和实施集体劳权的前提的和基础的权利,团结权立法是各国劳动立法中最为重要的内容。[3] 由于这一权利也是涉及劳资关系调整机制的最为核心的内容,所以也是劳资双方最为关注的一种权利。而且,出于不同的利益集团的考虑,人们对于团结权的理解又存在着很大的差异。中国在计划经济下,由于全社会利益一体的经济格局使得团结权的问题并不突出,但随着向市场化过渡中劳资矛盾的日益凸现,团结权问题已经成为中国的劳动立法和劳资关系处理中的一个最重要的问题。但由于团结权的立法和实施直接与国家的政治和社会问题相关,又直接涉及到劳资双方的权利冲突,因而是一个特别复杂而且敏感的问题。所以,尽管国内外的许多研究者对于这一问题抱有浓厚的兴趣,但关于这一问题的研究成果仍是寥寥无几。然而,这又是中国的劳动法研究无法回避的课题。

本文拟从狭义团结权角度,即主要围绕着中国团结权立法的状况和特点、关于成立工会实质要件和形式要件、以及法律规定在具体实施中所存在的问题和完善对策等,作一初步的论述。

A Study of China’s Legislation and Implementation

on the Rights of Association

Chang Kai

Institute of Labor Relations of the Renmin University of China.

Joseph Y.S. Cheng

City University of Hong Kong.

The rights of association are the basic right of workers under the market economy. In a broad context, the rights of association mean that workers organize trade unions and introduce collective bargaining and class actions through the unions to protect their rights, which include union rights, the rights of collective bargaining and the rights of labor disputes. A narrow concept of the association rights refers to the rights of the workers to organize temporary or permanent associations to achieve the goal of improving labor conditions and to practice the associations, i.e., the rights for workers to organize unions and to participate in the union activities.

As the basic methods for labor to achieve their life rights, as well as, the premise and basic rights for workers to achieve collective labor rights, legislation on the rights of association is the most important content on the labor law legislation of every state. It is also a right that attracts most attention from the labor and capital, since this right is the core element of the adjustment system for labor relations. Meanwhile, people hold very different understandings towards the rights of association, thanks to the different interest groups people may stand with. Under the planned economy, the uniform economic interest of the Chinese society does not make the association rights as an important issue. However, labor-capital conflicts have come to the stage as the economy is shifting toward the market economy, and the rights of association have acted as an essential social issue. Moreover, legislation and practice of the rights of association can link directly with a country’s political and social issues, along with interest conflicts between labor and capital, so that association is a complicated and sensitive topic. Therefore, both Chinese domestic and overseas researchers have strong interests in the rights of association, while few research outcomes have been achieved, although this issue of association rights cannot be ignored by the researches on Chinese labor laws.

This paper provides its analysis from the narrow-term of the rights of association, and focuses on the Chinese legislative realities and characters of the rights of association, material and external elements on organizing trade unions, as well as the realistic problems and improvement suggestions of practicing the enacted laws and regulations.

核心劳工标准、国际人权法与国家义务(纲要)

陈步雷

中国人民大学应用经济学博士后流动站研究人员,

劳动关系研究所研究员,北京大学法学院2000届法学博士

一、核心劳工标准与国际人权法

劳工标准,即国际劳工标准(International Labor Standards),又称国际劳动立法,一般是指由国际劳工大会通过的、通常需要国际劳工组织成员国批准的国际劳工公约和建议书以及其他达成的关于处理劳动关系的国际条约;其宗旨是在世界范围内确立和保障劳工权利,为劳动关系的调整和劳工权利的保障建立一般性的、普遍性的原则、标准和规则。国际劳工标准的出现和发展,对人类社会进步事业的产生了重要影响。

核心劳工标准(Core Labor Standards),是指已经被国际劳工组织理事会和国际社会所确认的、涉及劳动者的基本权利或人权的、不论成员国经济发展程度如何都必须遵守或执行的、构成国际劳工标准体系的基础与核心的劳工标准。到目前为止,它们是由国际劳工组织通过的八个国际劳工公约组成的,涉及四个方面的基本权利(人权):

(一)关于结社自由、保障组织权利和集体行动权的公约。包括:

1948年《结社自由与保障组织权利公约》(第87号公约);

1949年《组织权与集体谈判权公约》(第98号公约)。

(二)关于消除一切形式的强迫或强制劳动的公约。包括:

1930年《强迫劳动公约》(第29号公约);

1957年《废除强迫劳动公约》(第105号公约)。

(三)关于消除就业与职业歧视的公约。包括:

1951年《同工同酬公约》(第100号公约);

1958年《(就业与职业)歧视公约》(第111号公约)。

(四)关于最低就业年龄和有效废除童工的公约。包括:

1973年《最低就业年龄公约》(第138号公约);

1999年《禁止和立即行动消除最恶劣形式的童工劳动公约》(第182号公约)。

对于上述公约,我国批准了其中的一部分。具体是:1990年11月2日批准了第100号公约(该公约规定,对于女性劳动者作出的与男性劳动者同等价值的劳动,应当支付同等的报酬);1999年4月28日批准了第138号公约(该公约旨在提高最低就业年龄,保证有效废除童工)。对于涉及结社自由与组织权利、废除强迫劳动、废除就业与职业歧视等方面的核心劳工标准,尚未批准。

国际人权法以《联合国宪章》(1945)、《世界人权宣言》(1948)、联合国《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》(1966)、联合国《经济、社会及文化权利国际公约》(1966)等基础性国际法文件为核心。

我国已于2001年3月批准了《经济、社会及文化权利公约》,并且在2004年《中法联合声明》等正式文件中承诺尽快批准《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》,因此,我国必须履行相应的国际法义务。

国际劳工组织的第29、105、87、98号公约,是核心标准的重要组成部分。尽管它们与国家的政治利益密切关联,但是,它们仍然是国际人权法中的基本问题。对这些问题能够“祛政治化”,作为法律问题处理,是必要的政治智慧。因为国际人权法中的基本人权问题,与“国际人道主义法”具有交叉性,被认定为国际强行法的趋势也日趋明显。是否履行这些国际法义务,已经成为判断一个国家政权合法性问题的主要标志之一。

核心劳工标准,与国际人权法的交叉区域是显而易见的。第87、98、29、105号公约就是这一交叉区域。

二、核心劳工标准与国际人权法的互动关系:历史的考察

国际人权法中与劳动、劳工有关的权利,受到国际劳工组织的积极推动。1948年《结社自由和保护组织权利公约》(第87号)、1949年《组织权利和集体谈判权利公约》(第98号),以及此前的1921年《(农业)结社权利公约》(第11号公约),对于国际人权法的积极影响。世界人权宪章正式确立了国际人权法的核心内容,对于核心劳工标准的实施的影响。到2000年12月31日,已经有134个国家批准了第87号公约,148个国家批准了第98号公约。

三、核心劳工标准与国际人权法在形式渊源、地位、效力、调整

对象领域的关系:比较法的视角

国际劳工标准中的国际公约,虽然区别于一般的国际公约,但是差异是相当有限的。如果经过成员的批准,它自然获得了与一般公约(国际法)相同的地位和效力。笼统地认为劳工公约缺乏硬应约束机制和效力依据,是不妥当的。

核心劳工标准中涉及基本人权,与国际人权法形成了重合关系。由于这些国际人权法是形式渊源是《联合国宪章》、世界人权宪章(一个宣言和两大公约),因而,核心劳工标准被“牵连”地卷入(have been involved in)了国际人权法的体系。

四、主权国家承担的国际人权法义务对参加、批准核心劳工标准的影响。

鉴于《联合国宪章》对于主权国家构成了普遍性约束(甚至牵连性地约束到了非会员国),鉴于两大人权公约的内容和精神已经被普遍认可(即使某些重要国家没有批准公约,但是其宪法与公约具有较多的一致性),同时,这些涉及基本人权的国际法,已经被越来越多的国家认可为“国际强行法”,因此,主权国家履行国际人权法义务,已经是大势所趋。国际的这种法律义务和责任,将有利于核心劳工标准的推行。对于某些民主化不足的国家,核心劳工标准中的劳动者结社权问题,将成为推动普遍性的结社自由的“突破口”。

五、中国问题:障碍、动因和人权法治事业的背景

建议采取多元性的视角和立场,评估中国在履行国际人权公约大意物和批准核心劳工标准问题上的各种利害得失。推动民间与政府的积极有效的沟通,把某些假想性的、夸大性的障碍,还原到现实层面。建议各方采用促进理解和合作的策略。

动因主要来自与中国内部的严重社会问题。

人权事业和民主化、法治化的不可逆转的过程,近几十年与民主法治有关的思想、知识、技术的积累,民众的普遍启蒙,构成了更广阔的背景和压力机制。

六、结语

  谨慎的、乐观的预期。积极的、稳健的法律改革建议。

(作者电子邮箱:Chenbulei@tom.com    Chenbulei@sina.com。)

Studies on the Relations between the Core Labor Standards and International Human Rights Laws and the obligation of China

Chen Bulei

post-doctor researcher of Renmin University of China, J.S.D of Peking University law school(2000). Lawyer of labor affairs.

[Abstract]There are interactive influences between the core labor standards and the international human rights laws which have be recognized as a kind of compulsory international laws/jus cogens(Latin). Therefore, the enforcement and effects of international human rights laws can be implicated/tied up with the influences of the core labor standards. The international human rights laws can give much substantive support or promotion to core labor standards in order to help them to be accept and transformed to domestic laws. In another word, the core labor standards have been involved in the system of international human rights laws. China had ratified the covenant of economic ,social and cultural rights(CESCR) of UN, should be bound by the covenant and carry out the legal duties. In another hand, China had signed the CCPR of UN which can lead to instant legal constraints. Whether to abide by these international human rights laws has become the main standards to judge the legitimacy of the sovereignty state. As to the worker’s rights, the adjustment institution/system of labor relations, the domestic laws related to the core labor standards, we can erect much tight ties between the these issues and the international human rights laws, and promote the supreme legislative body/agency to accomplish the transformation of the core labor standards to domestic laws.      

[1] []沼田稻次郎 等编集《劳动法事典》,劳动旬报社1979年日文版,第219页。

[2] [日]竹内昭夫等编《新法律学辞典》,有斐阁平成元年日文版,第950页。

[3] [日]沼田稻次郎《團結權擁護論》,勁草書房1952年7月第一刷,1969年5月第三刷,第138页。

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